Russia has issued explicit warnings that any advancement of NATO’s nuclear infrastructure or weapons deployment near its borders will trigger immediate military countermeasures. The Kremlin’s latest warnings focus heavily on northern Europe and the Baltic states, as well as modifications to its own strategic warfare policies.
Baltic and Nordic Escalation
- Lithuania and Finland: Following Finland’s entry into the alliance, Lithuania is actively considering lifting its constitutional ban on hosting nuclear weapons. Kremlin spokesperson Dmitry Peskov responded that these decisions will not add to their security but will instead drastically increase danger levels for those countries.
- Estonia: Russia previously warned Estonia that if the nation agrees to host alliance nuclear weapons aimed at Moscow, Russian nuclear forces will automatically retarget Estonian territory. [
Updated Nuclear Doctrine
- Lowered Threshold: President Vladimir Putin officially signed updates into law lowering the threshold for Russia’s nuclear first-use doctrine. Moscow delivers chilling ultimatum to NATO Lavrov says NATO-Russia conflict catastrophe Russia: NATO confrontation could trigger.
- Joint Attack Classification: Under the revised doctrine, an aggressive conventional strike (including massive drone or cruise missile attacks) executed by a non-nuclear state but backed by a nuclear power (like the US, UK, or France) will now be treated legally as a “joint attack” on the Russian Federation.
No imminent nuclear threat from Russia, says new Nato chief new secretary general of Nato, said he does not see any imminent threat of nuclear weapons being used by Russia despite “reckless and irresponsible” rhetoric by the Kremlin.
Putin proposes new rules for using nuclear weapons would consider an attack from a non-nuclear state that was backed by a nuclear-armed one to be a “joint attack”, in what could be construed as a threat to use nuclear weapons in the war in Ukraine. In key remarks on Wednesday night, the Russian president said his government was considering changing the rules and preconditions around which Russia would use its nuclear arsenal.
Ukraine is a non-nuclear state that receives military support from the US and other nuclear-armed countries.
His comments come as Kyiv seeks approval to use long-range Western missiles against military sites in Russia.
Ukraine’s President Volodymyr Zelensky has travelled to the US this week and is due to meet US President Joe Biden in Washington on Thursday, where Kyiv’s request is expected to be top of the agenda.
Ukraine has pushed into Russian territory this year and wants to target bases inside Russia which it says are sending missiles into Ukraine.
Responding to Putin’s remarks, Zelensky’s chief of staff Andriy Yermak said Russia “no longer has anything other than nuclear blackmail to intimidate the world”.
Putin has threatened the use of nuclear weapons before. Ukraine has criticised it as “nuclear sabre-rattling” to deter its allies from providing further support.
US Secretary of State Antony Blinken described the comments as “totally irresponsible” in an MSNBC television interview.
Russian ally China has also called for calm, with reports President Xi Jinping has warned Putin against using nuclear arms.
But on Wednesday, after a meeting with his Security Council, Putin announced the proposed radical expansion.
A new nuclear doctrine would “clearly set the conditions for Russia to transition to using nuclear weapons,” he warned – and said such scenarios included conventional missile strikes against Moscow.
He said that Russia would consider such a “possibility” of using nuclear weapons if it detected the start of a massive launch of missiles, aircraft and drones into its territory, which presented a “critical threat” to the country’s sovereignty.
He added: “It is proposed that aggression against Russia by any non-nuclear state, but with the participation or support of a nuclear state, be considered as their joint attack on the Russian Federation.”
The country’s nuclear arms were “the most important guarantee of security of our state and its citizens”, the Kremlin leader said.
Since the end of World War Two, nuclear-armed states have engaged in a policy of deterrence, which is based on the idea that if warring states were to launch major nuclear strikes it would lead to mutually assured destruction.
But there are also tactical nuclear weapons which are smaller warheads designed to destroy targets without widespread radioactive fallout.
In June, Putin delivered a warning to European countries supporting Ukraine, saying Russia had “many more [tactical nuclear weapons] than there are on the European continent, even if the United States brings theirs over.”
“Europe does not have a developed [early warning system],” he added. “In this sense they are more or less defenceless.”
At the time he had hinted of changes to Russia’s nuclear doctrine – the document which sets out the conditions under which Moscow would use nuclear weapons. The Kremlin said on Thursday that changes outlined by Putin should be considered a warning to the West.
Elaborating on the move, Kremlin spokesman Dmitry Peskov told reporters: “It must be considered a specific signal – a signal that warns these countries of the consequences if they participate in an attack on our country by various means, not necessarily nuclear.”
Peskov said that Russia would make a decision on whether not to publish the updated nuclear documents, adding that adjustments to the document on state nuclear deterrence were being formulated. People flee as Russian strike hits near Ukraine coffee shop
CCTV footage from a coffee shop in the Ukrainian city of Sumy captured the moment people crouched on the floor as explosions were heard nearby.
Surveillance cameras showed three different angles from the scene, one outside the shop and two inside.
As soon as the explosions stopped people ran inside, where customers were queuing by the counter.
Five people were killed, including a 13-year-old girl, and at least 30 injured when glide bombs hit the north eastern city of Sumy on Saturday, mayor Artem Kobzar said on Telegram. Putin’s comments came as Ukraine sought approval to use long-range Western missiles against military sites in Russia.
The former Dutch prime minister was speaking at his first press conference since taking over as head of the military alliance.
Rutte said that while he supported Ukraine’s right to carry out such strikes, it was up to allies to lift restrictions and called for Nato countries to continue arming Ukraine, saying that “the more we help Ukraine at the moment, the sooner [the war] will end.”
“The cost of supporting Ukraine is far, far lower, than the cost we would face if we allow Putin to get his way,” Rutte said, reiterating his predecessor’s commitment to bringing Ukraine closer to Nato membership.
He acknowledged that the situation on the battlefield in Ukraine – where Russia is making slow but steady progress – was “difficult”.
However, Rutte also pointed out that Russia’s gains were limited and had come at a high cost, quoting estimates that 1,000 Russian soldiers were being killed or wounded every day. At his first press conference as Nato chief, Rutte said the three priorities for his term as secretary general would be to support Ukraine, to bolster Nato’s collective deterrence and to build relationships in other parts of the world, such as the Indo-Pacific.
When asked about former US president and current presidential candidate Donald Trump – who had a fractious relationship with Nato – Rutte praised him for persuading more allies to spend more on defence and for highlighting the challenge posed by Russia.
“He was the one pushing us to spend more,” Rutte said, and pointed out that Nato member countries currently are at a much higher spending level than when Trump took office in 2017.
He also said that Trump’s opponent, Kamala Harris, was a “highly respected leader” and vowed to work with whoever will win the US presidential election next month.
Like his predecessor, Rutte called for Nato countries to spend more and acknowledged that the Netherlands should have reached the target of spending 2% of GDP on defence sooner.
Mark Rutte, 57, was prime minister of the Netherlands until he stepped down earlier this year following the collapse of his coalition government in 2023.
In June, he was appointed as the next secretary general of Nato.
The term normally lasts four years, but Rutte’s predecessor, the Norwegian economist and former prime minister Jens Stoltenberg, ended up staying in post for ten years. Nato alliance experiencing brain death, says Macron President Emmanuel Macron of France has described Nato as “brain dead”, stressing what he sees as waning commitment to the transatlantic alliance by its main guarantor, the US.
Interviewed by the Economist, he cited the US failure to consult Nato before pulling forces out of northern Syria.
He also questioned whether Nato was still committed to collective defence.
German Chancellor Angela Merkel, a key ally, said she disagreed with Mr Macron’s “drastic words”.
Russia, which sees Nato as a threat to its security, welcomed the French president’s comments as “truthful words”.
Nato, which celebrates 70 years since its founding at a London summit next month, has responded by saying the alliance remains strong.
What else did the French president say?
He warned European members that they could no longer rely on the US to defend the alliance, established at the start of the Cold War to bolster Western European and North American security.
How much do Nato members spend on defence?
President Trump has repeatedly criticised his Nato allies for not spending enough on defence. Nato is a military alliance of 32 countries including the US, Canada and European nations. Strengthening NATO’s eastern flank the past decade, NATO has massively reinforced its deterrence and defence posture along its eastern flank, from the Arctic Ocean in the north to the Black Sea in the south. Russia’s illegal annexation of Crimea in 2014 and its full-scale invasion of Ukraine in 2022 have fundamentally changed the security environment in Europe, and its hostile actions towards NATO members and partners – including airspace violations, cyber attacks and acts of sabotage – are increasing in frequency. NATO has responded by significantly strengthening its readiness to protect and defend all Allies, with more combat-ready forces along the eastern flank and the most comprehensive defence plans since the end of the Cold War.
Troops from NATO’s Forward Land Forces (FLF) multinational battlegroup in Hungary stand alongside one another during a large-scale military exercise in September 2025. NATO has increased its military presence along its eastern flank as a direct result of Russia’s behaviour, which reflects a pattern of aggressive actions against its neighbours and the wider transatlantic community. Russia is the most significant and direct threat to Allies’ security and to peace and stability in the Euro-Atlantic area.
NATO’s Forward Land Forces consist of nine multinational battlegroups located in member countries along the eastern flank. The battlegroups vary in size and composition according to military requirements. They are based in Bulgaria, Estonia, Finland, Hungary, Latvia, Lithuania, Poland, Romania and Slovakia.
NATO Integrated Air and Missile Defence protects Allies from airborne threats, including fighter jets and drones. This includes permanent NATO Air Policing, in which member countries help to monitor and patrol the skies of their fellow NATO Allies 24/7.
The Alliance also conducts maritime activities on the eastern flank, including Baltic Sentry, which is strengthening the protection of critical undersea infrastructure.
NATO is also enhancing its protection of Allies along the eastern flank in the cyber and space domains, and helping build resilience against Russia’s hostile actions.
In September 2025, NATO launched Eastern Sentry, a flexible, multi-domain activity to enhance NATO’s vigilance along the entire eastern flank. Through Eastern Sentry, Allies are contributing additional capabilities and assets to NATO’s strengthened deterrence and defence posture.
In addition to strengthening deterrence and defence in its own member countries, NATO continues to support Ukraine as it defends itself against Russia’s war of aggression. Ukraine’s security contributes to NATO’s security. NATO Allies will not be deterred by Russia from their enduring commitments to support Ukraine.
NATO’s military activities along the eastern flank are entirely defensive. The Alliance is ready, willing and able to defend every Ally, and an attack against any Ally would be met with a resounding response.
NATO’s Forward Land Forces
NATO’s Forward Land Forces (FLF) are a key element of the Alliance’s military presence along the eastern flank. They are deployed in nine multinational battlegroups, located on NATO territory. The FLF are provided by framework nations and other contributing Allies on a voluntary, fully sustainable and rotational basis. Forces from contributing nations rotate in and out of the host nation; at any given time, they may be deployed to the battlegroups or stationed in their home countries with the ability to deploy rapidly, if needed. The battlegroups operate in concert with national home defence forces and are present at all times in the host nations.
All nine battlegroups are fully combat-capable formations, but they are not identical – their sizes and compositions are tailored to specific geographic factors and threats. Initially, the battlegroups were battalion-size units. In 2022, Allies agreed to deploy additional troops and scale up the battlegroups to brigade-size units, when and where required (although the formations are called “NATO multinational battlegroups”, regardless of size or organisational structure). Overall, military requirements guide each battlegroup’s composition.
Today, troops and personnel from all NATO Allies serve, train and exercise together in the east of the Alliance, representing a strong expression of unity and solidarity. NATO’s Forward Land Forces are defensive, proportionate, transparent and in line with the Alliance’s international commitments and obligations. Collective defence is NATO’s most fundamental principle. Article 5 of the North Atlantic Treaty states that an armed attack against one NATO member shall be considered an attack against them all. Since 1949, this unwavering pledge has bound together a group of like-minded countries from Europe and North America, which have committed themselves to protecting each other in a spirit of solidarity.
- Article 5 of the North Atlantic Treaty states that an armed attack against one NATO member shall be considered an attack against all members, and triggers an obligation for each member to come to its assistance.
- This assistance may or may not involve the use of armed force, and can include any action that Allies deem necessary to restore and maintain the security of the North Atlantic area.
- NATO’s Article 5 is consistent with Article 51 of the United Nations Charter, which recognises that a state that is the victim of an armed attack has the inherent right to individual or collective self-defence, and may request others to come to its assistance. Within the NATO context, Article 5 translates this right of self-defence into a mutual assistance obligation.
- NATO invoked Article 5 for the first and only time in its history after the 9/11 terrorist attacks against the United States in 2001.
- While Article 5 itself has been applied only once, it underpins all of NATO’s broader activities in the field of deterrence and defence, including the regular conduct of military exercises and the deployment of NATO’s standing military forces.
- NATO takes a 360-degree approach to collective defence, protecting against all threats from all directions.
The North Atlantic Treaty
The Parties to this Treaty reaffirm their faith in the purposes and principles of the Charter of the United Nations and their desire to live in peace with all peoples and all governments.
They are determined to safeguard the freedom, common heritage and civilisation of their peoples, founded on the principles of democracy, individual liberty and the rule of law. They seek to promote stability and well-being in the North Atlantic area.
They are resolved to unite their efforts for collective defence and for the preservation of peace and security. They therefore agree to this North Atlantic Treaty :
Article 1
The Parties undertake, as set forth in the Charter of the United Nations, to settle any international dispute in which they may be involved by peaceful means in such a manner that international peace and security and justice are not endangered, and to refrain in their international relations from the threat or use of force in any manner inconsistent with the purposes of the United Nations.
Article 2
The Parties will contribute toward the further development of peaceful and friendly international relations by strengthening their free institutions, by bringing about a better understanding of the principles upon which these institutions are founded, and by promoting conditions of stability and well-being. They will seek to eliminate conflict in their international economic policies and will encourage economic collaboration between any or all of them.
Article 3
In order more effectively to achieve the objectives of this Treaty, the Parties, separately and jointly, by means of continuous and effective self-help and mutual aid, will maintain and develop their individual and collective capacity to resist armed attack.
Article 4
The Parties will consult together whenever, in the opinion of any of them, the territorial integrity, political independence or security of any of the Parties is threatened.
Article 5
The Parties agree that an armed attack against one or more of them in Europe or North America shall be considered an attack against them all and consequently they agree that, if such an armed attack occurs, each of them, in exercise of the right of individual or collective self-defence recognised by Article 51 of the Charter of the United Nations, will assist the Party or Parties so attacked by taking forthwith, individually and in concert with the other Parties, such action as it deems necessary, including the use of armed force, to restore and maintain the security of the North Atlantic area.
Any such armed attack and all measures taken as a result thereof shall immediately be reported to the Security Council. Such measures shall be terminated when the Security Council has taken the measures necessary to restore and maintain international peace and security .
Article 6
For the purpose of Article 5, an armed attack on one or more of the Parties is deemed to include an armed attack:
- on the territory of any of the Parties in Europe or North America, on the Algerian Departments of France, on the territory of Turkey or on the Islands under the jurisdiction of any of the Parties in the North Atlantic area north of the Tropic of Cancer;
- on the forces, vessels, or aircraft of any of the Parties, when in or over these territories or any other area in Europe in which occupation forces of any of the Parties were stationed on the date when the Treaty entered into force or the Mediterranean Sea or the North Atlantic area north of the Tropic of Cancer.
Article 7
This Treaty does not affect, and shall not be interpreted as affecting in any way the rights and obligations under the Charter of the Parties which are members of the United Nations, or the primary responsibility of the Security Council for the maintenance of international peace and security.
Article 8
Each Party declares that none of the international engagements now in force between it and any other of the Parties or any third State is in conflict with the provisions of this Treaty, and undertakes not to enter into any international engagement in conflict with this Treaty.
Article 9
The Parties hereby establish a Council, on which each of them shall be represented, to consider matters concerning the implementation of this Treaty. The Council shall be so organised as to be able to meet promptly at any time. The Council shall set up such subsidiary bodies as may be necessary; in particular it shall establish immediately a defence committee which shall recommend measures for the implementation of Articles 3 and 5.
Article 10
The Parties may, by unanimous agreement, invite any other European State in a position to further the principles of this Treaty and to contribute to the security of the North Atlantic area to accede to this Treaty. Any State so invited may become a Party to the Treaty by depositing its instrument of accession with the Government of the United States of America. The Government of the United States of America will inform each of the Parties of the deposit of each such instrument of accession.
Article 11
This Treaty shall be ratified and its provisions carried out by the Parties in accordance with their respective constitutional processes. The instruments of ratification shall be deposited as soon as possible with the Government of the United States of America, which will notify all the other signatories of each deposit. The Treaty shall enter into force between the States which have ratified it as soon as the ratifications of the majority of the signatories, including the ratifications of Belgium, Canada, France, Luxembourg, the Netherlands, the United Kingdom and the United States, have been deposited and shall come into effect with respect to other States on the date of the deposit of their ratifications.
Article 12
After the Treaty has been in force for ten years, or at any time thereafter, the Parties shall, if any of them so requests, consult together for the purpose of reviewing the Treaty, having regard for the factors then affecting peace and security in the North Atlantic area, including the development of universal as well as regional arrangements under the Charter of the United Nations for the maintenance of international peace and security.
Article 13
After the Treaty has been in force for twenty years, any Party may cease to be a Party one year after its notice of denunciation has been given to the Government of the United States of America, which will inform the Governments of the other Parties of the deposit of each notice of denunciation.
Article 14
This Treaty, of which the English and French texts are equally authentic, shall be deposited in the archives of the Government of the United States of America. Duly certified copies will be transmitted by that Government to the Governments of other signatories.
NATO’s founding treaty is not long – only 14 articles, just over 1,000 words – and its core purpose is clear and simple: a joint pledge by each country to assist the others if they come under attack.
This was particularly urgent in the early days of the Cold War. The Soviet Union had drawn the Iron Curtain across Europe, dominating its neighbours in Central and Eastern Europe and threatening to extend its control further west – unless it met with concerted resistance.
The 12 founding NATO Allies, many of them still rebuilding their economies and militaries after the devastation of the Second World War, agreed that uniting their strength and committing to protect each other was key to deterring the Soviet threat. Article 5 of the Washington Treaty was the clearest articulation of that promise, and it has remained the bedrock of the transatlantic bond at the heart of NATO ever since.
WE THE PEOPLES OF THE UNITED NATIONS DETERMINED
to save succeeding generations from the scourge of war, which twice in our lifetime has brought untold sorrow to mankind, and
to reaffirm faith in fundamental human rights, in the dignity and worth of the human person, in the equal rights of men and women and of nations large and small, and
to establish conditions under which justice and respect for the obligations arising from treaties and other sources of international law can be maintained, and
to promote social progress and better standards of life in larger freedom,
AND FOR THESE ENDS
to practice tolerance and live together in peace with one another as good neighbours, and
to unite our strength to maintain international peace and security, and
to ensure, by the acceptance of principles and the institution of methods, that armed force shall not be used, save in the common interest, and
to employ international machinery for the promotion of the economic and social advancement of all peoples,
HAVE RESOLVED TO COMBINE OUR EFFORTS TO ACCOMPLISH THESE AIMS.
Accordingly, our respective Governments, through representatives assembled in the city of San Francisco, who have exhibited their full powers found to be in good and due form, have agreed to the present Charter of the United Nations and do hereby establish an international organization to be known as the United Nations.
Chapter I: Purposes and Principles
Article 1
The Purposes of the United Nations are:
- To maintain international peace and security, and to that end: to take effective collective measures for the prevention and removal of threats to the peace, and for the suppression of acts of aggression or other breaches of the peace, and to bring about by peaceful means, and in conformity with the principles of justice and international law, adjustment or settlement of international disputes or situations which might lead to a breach of the peace;
- To develop friendly relations among nations based on respect for the principle of equal rights and self-determination of peoples, and to take other appropriate measures to strengthen universal peace;
- To achieve international co-operation in solving international problems of an economic, social, cultural, or humanitarian character, and in promoting and encouraging respect for human rights and for fundamental freedoms for all without distinction as to race, sex, language, or religion; and
- To be a centre for harmonizing the actions of nations in the attainment of these common ends.
Article 2
The Organization and its Members, in pursuit of the Purposes stated in Article 1, shall act in accordance with the following Principles.
- The Organization is based on the principle of the sovereign equality of all its Members.
- All Members, in order to ensure to all of them the rights and benefits resulting from membership, shall fulfill in good faith the obligations assumed by them in accordance with the present Charter.
- All Members shall settle their international disputes by peaceful means in such a manner that international peace and security, and justice, are not endangered.
- All Members shall refrain in their international relations from the threat or use of force against the territorial integrity or political independence of any state, or in any other manner inconsistent with the Purposes of the United Nations.
- All Members shall give the United Nations every assistance in any action it takes in accordance with the present Charter, and shall refrain from giving assistance to any state against which the United Nations is taking preventive or enforcement action.
- The Organization shall ensure that states which are not Members of the United Nations act in accordance with these Principles so far as may be necessary for the maintenance of international peace and security.
- Nothing contained in the present Charter shall authorize the United Nations to intervene in matters which are essentially within the domestic jurisdiction of any state or shall require the Members to submit such matters to settlement under the present Charter; but this principle shall not prejudice the application of enforcement measures under Chapter Vll.
Article 3
The original Members of the United Nations shall be the states which, having participated in the United Nations Conference on International Organization at San Francisco, or having previously signed the Declaration by United Nations of 1 January 1942, sign the present Charter and ratify it in accordance with Article 110.
Article 4
- Membership in the United Nations is open to all other peace-loving states which accept the obligations contained in the present Charter and, in the judgment of the Organization, are able and willing to carry out these obligations.
- The admission of any such state to membership in the United Nations will be effected by a decision of the General Assembly upon the recommendation of the Security Council.
Article 5
A Member of the United Nations against which preventive or enforcement action has been taken by the Security Council may be suspended from the exercise of the rights and privileges of membership by the General Assembly upon the recommendation of the Security Council. The exercise of these rights and privileges may be restored by the Security Council.
Article 6
A Member of the United Nations which has persistently violated the Principles contained in the present Charter may be expelled from the Organization by the General Assembly upon the recommendation of the Security Council.
Chapter III: Organs
Article 7
- There are established as principal organs of the United Nations: a General Assembly, a Security Council, an Economic and Social Council, a Trusteeship Council, an International Court of Justice and a Secretariat.
- Such subsidiary organs as may be found necessary may be established in accordance with the present Charter.
Article 8
The United Nations shall place no restrictions on the eligibility of men and women to participate in any capacity and under conditions of equality in its principal and subsidiary organs.
Chapter IV: The General Assembly
COMPOSITION
Article 9
- The General Assembly shall consist of all the Members of the United Nations.
- Each Member shall have not more than five representatives in the General Assembly.
FUNCTIONS AND POWERS
Article 10
The General Assembly may discuss any questions or any matters within the scope of the present Charter or relating to the powers and functions of any organs provided for in the present Charter, and, except as provided in Article 12, may make recommendations to the Members of the United Nations or to the Security Council or to both on any such questions or matters.
Article 11
- The General Assembly may consider the general principles of co-operation in the maintenance of international peace and security, including the principles governing disarmament and the regulation of armaments, and may make recommendations with regard to such principles to the Members or to the Security Council or to both.
- The General Assembly may discuss any questions relating to the maintenance of international peace and security brought before it by any Member of the United Nations, or by the Security Council, or by a state which is not a Member of the United Nations in accordance with Article 35, paragraph 2, and, except as provided in Article 12, may make recommendations with regard to any such questions to the state or states concerned or to the Security Council or to both. Any such question on which action is necessary shall be referred to the Security Council by the General Assembly either before or after discussion.
- The General Assembly may call the attention of the Security Council to situations which are likely to endanger international peace and security.
- The powers of the General Assembly set forth in this Article shall not limit the general scope of Article 10.
What is Nato and which countries are in it?
Nato Secretary General Mark Rutte has condemned “Russia’s reckless behaviour”, after a drone crashed into a Romanian apartment building, injuring two people. According to Romania’s foreign ministry, the incident happened while Russia was carrying out attacks on Ukraine.
Rutte said Nato, of which Romania is a member, “stands ready to defend every inch of allied territory”.
The 32-member alliance has faced internal pressure from the US in recent months, with President Trump accusing other nations of relying too much on the strength of its military.
What is Nato?
Nato – the North Atlantic Treaty Organization – was formed in Washington DC in 1949 by 12 countries.
The founding members were Belgium, Canada, Denmark, France, Iceland, Italy, Luxembourg, the Netherlands, Norway, Portugal, the UK and the US. It is often said that the North Atlantic Treaty Organization was founded in response to the threat posed by the Soviet Union. This is only partially true. In fact, the Alliance’s creation was part of a broader effort to serve three purposes: deterring Soviet expansionism, forbidding the revival of nationalist militarism in Europe through a strong North American presence on the continent, and encouraging European political integration.
The aftermath of World War II saw much of Europe devastated in a way that is now difficult to envision. Approximately 36.5 million Europeans had died in the conflict, 19 million of them civilians. Refugee camps and rationing dominated daily life. In some areas, infant mortality rates were one in four. Millions of orphans wandered the burnt-out shells of former metropolises. In the German city of Hamburg alone, half a million people were homeless.
In addition, Communists aided by the Soviet Union were threatening elected governments across Europe. In February 1948, the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia, with covert backing from the Soviet Union, overthrew the democratically elected government in that country. Then, in reaction to the democratic consolidation of West Germany, the Soviets blockaded Allied-controlled West Berlin in a bid to consolidate their hold on the German capital. The heroism of the Berlin Airlift provided future Allies with some solace, but privation remained a grave threat to freedom and stability.
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A treaty for our age
Fortunately, by then the United States had turned its back on its traditional policy of diplomatic isolationism. Aid provided through the US-funded Marshall Plan (also known as the European Recovery Program) and other means fostered a degree of economic stabilisation. European states still needed confidence in their security, however, before they would begin talking and trading with each other. Military cooperation, and the security it would bring, would have to develop in parallel with economic and political progress.
